Sarah and her family lived in Gaza Strip. That day she came from school, crossed the boarder of Israelis, and make it home.
After finishing her school homework, she prepared herself to bed, she wore her pajamas, got into bed next to her three sisters, closed her eyes waiting. the sound didn't come.
She waited praying to hear the sound, the sound was mute. "no dear God, not us, not tonight!" but the sound could not come.
She got up, opened the door, went to the kitchen and opened the closet, "i swear i'll return the money back, i swear", she waited to hear the sound, but the sound didn't show up.
Her tears found a way back to her eyes. that's it, it is the end. she blamed herself not spending enough time with her mother and sisters today. she went back to bed. as she was covering herself and holding tight her sister's hand, an explosion came about.
She opened her eyes. a family died in Gaza, but she's alive. Tonight.
Thursday, December 28, 2006
Alive, Tonight. (Short Story)
Loving you....Damascus
I know it is only three hours away to Damascus from Beirut, but geography can be misleading.
It is not an Arab city, Beirut, not even close.
I woke up 5.00 AM Damascus time, I went to the living room, saw Mountain Qassioun, the night has never been so beautiful, the stones were dancing among the illegal houses scattered on it, i breathed, i know home, i am home.
I never thought i can say this, but I never felt so Syrian before. I love you, Damascene day.
I miss your trivials, your noise, your backwardness, i miss humanity.
I always hate it when people look at me in the street, never leave me alone, now.
Beirut, i hate you, you are Israel to me, the city in which i cannot BE, i cannot be a Syrian, i cannot talk Syrian, i cannot miss Syria.
Beirut, you hate yourself, don't hate me. All i was looking for, is to be me, Razan, you couldn't see that my Syrianism, is part of my Razanism.
i cannot forgive you now, Beirut, i can only love Damascus.
Damascus can be Beirut, Beirut won't let Damascus be it.
Loving you Damascus does not mean hating Beirut. Being you Damascus is loving you.
Not being me is hating you Beirut.
Loving you Damascus, is me functioning, again.
Wednesday, December 27, 2006
أســــــــلمت نفســـــــي
لا اكترث, ان كان موجودا ام لا.
تعبت.
واريد الراحه.
ماا الفائده من حقيقه مقلقه وغير منتجه؟
الحقيقه حقيقه ان كانت منتجه, وانا اسلمت نفسي لكذبه منتجه.
اسلمت.
ساصلي.
وسادرس الفقه الشيعي.
لانني مسلمه.
ولا احب سنه محمد ولا سنه السنه.
انا سنيّه شيعيه.
اسلمت نفسي الى الراحه.
اريد ان اطمئن, وان كذبا.
اســــــمه الاسلام. اسلمت نفسي دوما تفكير. اجل. مامعنى ان تفكر وانت قلقا؟
ما معنى ان تكون "مفكرا" ملحدا عقلانيا وانت قلقا؟
اية حقيقه تلك الحادي؟
ايه عقلانيه؟
واي صراط مستقيم؟
مامعنى ان اكون تركيه في الوقت الذي اشعر فيه انني عربيه؟ ماالمعنى؟
احيانا النتائج عينها تقود الى المعنى دونما دراسة اسبابها.
ليس هناك خالق, اعلم, وليس هناك "عروبه" ربما, وليس هناك "انا", اعلم, لكن مالمعنى؟
مالآتي؟ ماذا بعد؟
انا عربيه كخيار سياسي. هذه انا.
وانا انا كصراع يومي, هذه انا.
وانا مسلمه لانني احتاج صديقا. وان كان خياليا.
اسلمت نفسي للخيال. للكذب وللاطمئنان.
فبئس حقيقه قلقه. ونعم الكذب, كل الكذب, وانا مطمئنه.
نبيـــــــذ أحمر أحمر, كرسيّ زياد
كان الهواء الابيض يصعد من فمي ليلتحم بضجيج الميلاد في ليله بيروتيه
صعدت الدرجات الخمس, كذبت على رجال الحراسه, ودخلت.
لم تكن الاضواء شبيهه بنفسها.
وكان عبيق الدخان منتظرا طابور الكؤوس.
حدقت بالبار, هنا.
تجادلت مع اربع نادلين, وجلست وكأس حمراء تمسك بيدي.
انتظنا ساعة ونصف الساعة, وكان زياد قد نزل تلك الدرجات الخمس, مارا من خلال تصفيق مدوي هزت الكؤوس وابعدت بخار الدخان.
جلس زياد خلف البيانو, وظل يحدق بكراسته, ظل يحدق, وظل جالسا, صامتا, عازفا.
لم يغني زياد, لم يبنيس ببنت شفه.
لم يتكلم, لم ينظر وراء كراسته, زياد كان عازفا.
كانت الكأس الثانيه تمسك برأسي هذه المره, وكنت قد بدأت أكره زياد. أكرهه.
لست غنيه زياد, ولست غبيه.
انا لن أبقى لتخرس.
ولست هنا لأشاهدك.
انت هنا كل يوم, بينهم, وانا هنا انتظر ك.
لن تكون لن أبقى.
هم لا يسمعوك. اعلم.
هم يستغلون اسمك, تعلم.
هم هنا وانت لهم. علمت.
لذا رحلت عنك.
تركت كرسيا شاغره ورائي.
تركت كل النبيذ المنتظر. تركت شابا يحب السوريين.
تركتك لارجع الى موقعك في "الاخبار". تركتك لانني اشتقتك زياد.
سانتظرك ثانيه, حتى تكون. يوم تكون لبنانك.
وعدتك وسأبقى عند وعدي لك, سأكون انا دوما
سأكون قارئتك.
Saturday, December 23, 2006
أنا وزيــــــاد
لم أبالي دخولي في فترة اللانقاهه
لم أبرح الغرفة منذ شهرين, وانا اصبح شيئا فشيئا شخصيه من شخصيات الحياة الالكترونيه. اللهم ماعدا زياراتي المقتصدة الى شركوتيه عون اول الشارع, لأسلم على شلة "الشيخ بشير", ذهابا وايابا, عند منتصف طريق
كنت جالسه البارحه مساء, كعادتي, اشاهد حياة الانترنت, والتي باتت حياتي. اصدقائي داخلها, اعدائي داخلها, رجُلي داخلها
كنت اضيع الوقت الزائد ابحث عن نشاطات تعترض طريق بيروت, في اوج الاعتراضات العربية والدوليه
ارى اسمه, اسمه, يدخل راسي ,وتخرج حياتي الالكترونيه, من راسي
لست من اولئك الذين واللواتي يحفظن مسرحيات زياد عن ظهر قلب. انا لم احب زياد قط
لكن مالبثت أقرأه كل يوم على الاخبار حتى اصبح لحياتي الاكترونيه معنى زيادي لا هو رحباني ولا هو فيروزي, هو زيادي بالضرورة
أقرأه كل يوم في الواحده والنصف صباحا. اقرأه مرتين, احبه اكثر من مرة
زياد سيغني, امام البشر, في الجميزه, مساء الاثنين. وانا ذاهبه..اسمعتي؟ انا ذاهبه
ساراه..وساضع الماكياج, وساسبل شعري, وسارتدي تنورتي السوداء المعيبه, وسانظر اليه, سآتي مبكرا, لاجلس امامه, وليشاهدني, سادع عينيه تتفرج على كلني
ليلة الاثنين, سكون ليله دمشقيه, بطلها لبناني, وامراتها سورية
وانا حين يغني, سلن اراه, سابحث عنه, بين البشر, بين الكؤووس التي ستصفق وتكسر على الارضيه
سلن أحبه..ساصغي
سأكتفي بكأس نبيذ احمر, يضيف الى حرارتي حراره صيف تموز الماضي
زياد الذي اخرجه نصر الله من عزلته
زياد الذي احبطه جمهوره فتعلم الكتابة
زياد الذي فهم ان لبنان لم يعد موجودا, الا في وجوده عند غيره
لن اكون المحلله ليله الاثنين
لست الطالبه
لن اكون طالبتك زياد
ولن اكون السوريه
سأكون كما تستحق
سأكون انا تماما
القارئه
Wednesday, December 20, 2006
وزير الداخلية الاسرائيلي وخطة البناء في الجولان السوري المحتلّ
في اخر تصريح له البارحه عبّر بار-اون عن انّه ينوي تقديم خطّة بناء الى الرئيس اولمرت, في منطقه الحدود السوريه الصهيونيه الحاليه. واكد بار-اون ان هذه الخطة لا تاتي كرد على ماتقوم به الحكومه السوريه الحاليه من بناء مبان سكنيه على الشريط الحدودي, في نفيه لما سماه من ادعاءات باطله حول "تحصين الجيش السوري."
ذكر موقع عرب 48 ان تصريحات بار-اون التي صاحبت جولته الى الجولان المحتل الاسبوع الماضي ترافقت مع مساعي اولمرت التي اجريت تنسيقها مع ادراة بوش في الوقت احرج الاسد كل من واشنطن واسرائيل في المقابله الاخيره له حيث عبر عن استعداده الى التعاون في حل ازمة العراق ومعاودة الماوضات في الشق الاسرائيلي السوري.
بار-اون اعتبر الجولان المحتل "جزء لا يتجزأ من اسرائيل وسيبقى كذلك....وانه اقليم سيشهد الازدهار ويجي تشجيعه".
هنا اود القول ان الجهد المبذول من قبل المعارضة السورية او المدونون السوريون هو متواضع للغاية, ولا اجد مبررا لهذا التواضع في ظل المعيشه القاسية والمتألمه التي يعيشها سكان الجولان السوري المحتلّ.
فكما يعيش السوريون احتلالا اسديا يعيش الجولانويون احتلالين: سوري وصهيوني.
اناشد المدونون السوريون في اطلاق حملة توعيه على مدوناتهم من اجل جعل هذه الارض السوريه من قضيّة مهمّشه الى قضية مهمّه ومهمّه للغايه.
سابدأ انا...
Sunday, December 17, 2006
احتلال" سوري" في بيروت....احتلال أسدي في دمشق
أحاول في هذا المقال أن أوضّح رؤيتي حول "الاحتلال" الأسدي لكلّ من سورية ولبنان. هذا ليس مقالا يعنى بالبعد التاريخي او يطرح دراسة تاريخية عن كل من البلدين, او سوسولوجيا, بل ربما احاول ان احاور الاخ اللبناني الذي يدّعي التالي:
1-"السوري" احتل ارضي.
2-اللبناني "قاوم" الاحتلال السوري والمواطن السوري لم يفعل.
ثم سوف ادخل في نتائج هذه الادعاءات والتي اصبحت احدى مسلمات لا بل ساجرؤ على القول انها اصبحت "وعيا" ينشأ مصاحبا لغة عنصرية تجاه "السوري" وهنا أقصد الشعب السوري.
بداية, لن ادخل في اسباب دخول الجيش السوري الى لبنان, كونها حقيقه لا علاقه لها باستمرار هذا الاعتداء. وانا اقول اعتداء لان من غير الممكن تقبل فكره جيش عربي "غير محلي" في بلد عربي اخر لمده 15 عاما(بعد انتهاء الحرب) في ظل انتهاكات لكل من قرار الدوله والجيش والتلاعب باقتصاد الدوله اللبنانيه. هذه حقيقه لا تغتفر.
غير ان كل هذا ماكان سيحصل دونما فساد جذري في البلد الام, لبنان. وهذه نقطه لا يبحث فيها الحقيقه. المشكله ان لبنان يحكمه عائلات ومن يحكم في سوريه عائله. هذا الفرق الوحيد من ناحيه الفساد اعني. أي السرطان السوري ماكان ليتشعب دونما "الجسد المريض" . لكن, وهنا يبدا دحض نظريه "المقاوم اللبناني والجبان السوري":
الشعب السوري "يعي" ان حكومته تحكمه, واللبنانيون يستعبدون انفسهم بانفسهم. أي ان اللبناني لا يعي ان من يحكمه عائلات. بالطبع انا اركز على كلمة "يحكم" لانها المشكله. اي ان اللبناني يعي ان "الاشخاص" هم نفسهم منذ دلوع الحرب الاهليه, لكنهم لا يروا ان هؤلاء الاشخاص "يحكمونهم" كما يعي السوريون ان عائله الاسد "تحكمهم".
هذه اول نقطة..
النقطة الثانيه, والاكثر اهميه ربما, هي ان "ممارسات" الاحتلال السوري في لبنان هي لا تساوي الربع, الربع, الربع, الربع من "ممارسات" الاحتلال الاسدي في سورية.
هنا دعونا نعطي امثله تاريخيه فقط عن مجازر, مجازر, مجازر الحكم الاسدي في سوريه:
1-مجزرة تدمر في السابع والعشرين من تموز يوليو و1980 والتي راح ضحيتها مايزيد على 700 سجين (المجزرة ارتكبت في سجن تدمر المركزي)
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d0/100.aspx
2-مجزره حماة في التي شهدت مجزرة قدرت ب 30 الى 40 الف ضحيه بعد محاصره لها على مدى 27 يوم بدءا من 2 شباط 1983
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d8/1218.aspx
3- مجزرة جسر الشغور في التاسع من ادار عام 1983 حيث قصفت مدفعيات من الجبش السوري 50 بيتا راح ضحيتها 150 قتيل
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
4-مجزرة الرقه في 15\9\1980 بحرق 400 سجين احياء احياء احياء في مدرسه كانو قد اعتقلو على اثر مظاهره
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
5-مجزرة هنانو في 11\8\1980 حيث سيق سكان منطقه مشارقه ال 83 وسقوا الي مقبره هنانو حيث ابيدو جميعا http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
6- مجزرة سرمدا في 15\9\1980 حيث قام اهالي منطقه سرمدا بتقديم عريضه الى الرئيس الاسد مطالبين بالكف عن سياسه التميز والاباده فاتت عناصر من الجبش صفت 40 من الاهالي واعدمت 17 بنفس اليوم
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
7- مجزرة دمشق 18\8\1980
حيث كانت عناصر من الجبش تبحث عن "فار" فاطلقت رشاشات الار بي جي في الهواء الطلق في ساحة العباسيين راح ضحيتها 40 قتيلا.
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
8- مجزرة سوق الاحد:
كساحه العباسيين, في سوق الاحد بادر عناصر من الجبش بفتح النار على الماريين وراح ضحية الاعتداء 40 قتيلا.
http://www.shrc.org.uk/data/aspx/d2/532.aspx
هذه بالطبع امثله عن "ممارسات" هذا الحكم والاحتلال الاسدي في سوريه وعلى الشعب السوري.
نحن لم نتطرق الى حملات الاعتقالات بعشرات الالاف والتي لم تميز بين طفل وشيخ ..لم نتطرق الى ابادات الاباء امام نساءهم واطفالهم, لم نتطرق الى حملات الاغتصاب التي رافقت هذا السفور على نساء وفتيات سوريه...
انا لم اتطرق..
لكن دعونا نبحث عن "ممارسات" عن "احتلال" الاسد في بيروت..
في لبنان.."الشكيكة"...لم تتم ولا مجزرة كتلك التي حدثت كمدنيين. قتل الاسديون عناصر من التيار العوني ولم تطل اياديهم الشعب اللبناني على الاطلاق..قتل الاسديون حسب الاحصائيات الاخيره والغير مكتملة بعد من التيار الوطني الحر قرابة 84 عنصرا وضابطا. اي ايضا مجزرة بحق عناصر هذا الحزب المقاوم بحق.
سرق الاسديون لبنان (مع تواطؤ لبناني)
سجن الاسديون لبنانيون (مع تواطؤ لبناني)
قتل الاسديون الحزبيين عناصر مسلحه ولم تتعد اعداد القتلى (رغم كونهم قتلى والجريمه جريمه مهما كان العدد) المئات كالشعب السوري..
نحن لا نقارن حدثا بحدث..نحن نعرض كيفيه الحدث من حيث الكم..لا من حيث مجرد وقوعه.
الى الان..انا لا لم استخدم كلمة "سوري" ترافقا مع النظام الحاكم. بل اسدي.
تعمدت هذا لكي تصل المعلومه دونما تاثيرات شموليه وعامه, كالتي نشاهدا ونسمعها من "الشعب" اللبناني الشكيك.
ان النكته اللبنانيه لا تطال الاسد وحاشيته فحسب, بل تطال الشعب السوري "النوري" "الشرشوح" "vulgar " الذي يتكلم العربيه "زياده على اللزوم" الجاهل بالعلوم والتكنولوجيا (يعني MP3 )
هنا اتوقف عند هذه الصورة الشموليه عن الشعب السوري.
"السوري" كلمه باتت تعني بالضروره هيئه العامل السوري, عامل البناء او عامل النظافه وهم كثر في لبنان.
أي ان السوري في مخيله اللبناني بات كذلك. فكل مايشبه هذا هو "سوري" حتى ولم يكن سوريا!
من اين اتت هذه النظره الشموليه؟
اعتقد ان في الوقت الذي يرى اللبناني في السوري صوره الجاهل الوسخ, يرى اللبناني نفسه "ايطاليا"! أي انه صاحب الجمال الخلقي في نساءه وشبانه, هو العالم باللغات, هو الفرنكفوني, هو الفينيقي, هو ليس العربي! وبالتاكيد, ليس سوريا (تاريخيا)!
عقدة اللبنانيين (الان) انهم كانوا جزء من سورية الكبرى (سابقا), فعندما يقول "انا لبناني" أي انه ليس سوريا, ليس "ذاك" السوري, انه هذا (في اشاره الى الموصفات الى المواطن الحديث) اللبناني.
اذن اللبناني المشع يقابله السوري الباهت.
في الضد, تترسخ الهويه.
تجدر الاشارة هنا, الى ان "المسيحي" اللبناني (البعض) يرسخ هويته المسيحيه الفينيقيه ايضا بالضدّ ضد العربي الشيعي (حزب الله).
انا مسيحي اذن انا لا احب المقاومة (أؤكد البعض) انا اتكلم عمن يتحدث عن "الوعي المسيحي" دوما في احاديثه اليوميه كالبطريرك صفير وجعجع والقواتيين والشعب المسيحي المتعصب في لبنان.
هؤلاء, يحددون هويتهم ومكانهم بالضد مع الاخر, المسلم, المقاوم, العربي, المعادي مع امريكا.
فمثلا, تجد قواتيا يرتدي كنزة عليها علم اميركا. لا اجد تفسيرا لهذا الحب العجيب بين القواتيين لامريكا سوى لان "حزب الله" يكره اميركا!
اما اللبناني السنّي فولائه لامريكا هو ولاء لرأسماليته! اي ان المقاومه هي "خربان بيت"!
لنعد الى الصوره المتخيله عن الشعب السوري في ذهون اللبنانييين...
انا سوريه, اعيش منذ سنتين, كطالبه جامعيه, في بيروت الاشرفيه, اجهر بلهجتي الدمشقيه دون خوف..
كلهم, كلهم, كلهم (ماعدا دركيّ) ظنني اردنيه او خليجيه!!
سالت لماذا؟ يجيبون دوما :يعني هيئتك مش سوريه! ولا لهجتك!"
اسال كيف مو لهجتي سوريه؟ ليش انته بتعرف اللهجه السوريه؟ يجيبون أي من المسلسلات. السوريه "بمطو" الكلمه كتير..!!
يعني بدون تعليق..
انا اتهم الشعب اللبناني (دون المقاومه حصرا) بالعنصريه. اجل العنصريه تجاه كل ماهو غير لبناني...
العنصريه تجاه الفلسطينيين في مخيماتهم حيث لا يستطيع الفلسطيني ان يعمل خارج المخيم دون تفتيش هويه او تفتيش (كاسرائيل تماما)
لا يستطيع السوري ان يكون سوريا الا اذا كان عاملا!!
لا يستطيع الفلسطيني ان يعمل سائق تاكسي خارج المخيم!
لا يستطيع الفلسطيني ان يدرس الحقوق في الجامعة..
ماهذا؟ اية ديموقراطيه ؟ هذه عبوديه! هذا بلد عربي وهذا شعب عربي ظالم ومجحف بحق جيرانه..وهذا كله من تشجيع امريكي صهيوني فرنسي راسمالي..
هذه لبنان الشرق الاوسط..لا عروبه...لا اخلاقيات العروبه..
انا لم اشربعد الى "مقاومه" الشعب اللبناني ضد "الاحتلال" السوري...
انا ساسل فقط..ان كان "جبران تويني" جريئا في لبنان..هل يستطيع (يرحمه الله) ان يكون "جريئا" في سوريه؟
ماذا عن "شجاعه" سمير قصير؟ اين كانت؟ في سوريه؟
ماذا عن الجميع...اين قاومتم؟ اين؟ اتستطيعون مقاوتهم في معقلهم؟؟؟
لا..بالتاكيد لا..اذن لم تقاوموهم..الاسد اتى وخرج من لبنان من امر من امريكا لا من "ثورتكم"..
ميشيل كيلو البطل..البني..عارف دليله..هؤلاء..هم المقاومين..في معقل الاسد.. في دار الاسد لا انتم..انتم حناجر..استجمعت اصواتها عند رحيل المحتل...لا عند حضوره..
انتم جاهلون بمعنى المقاومه..انتم الجبناء..لا نحن!
تمت بحمد الشام في التاسعه مساء
17 كانون الأول 2006
بيروت الاشرفيه
Saturday, December 16, 2006
يوم شاميّ في طرابلس الشام
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العروبة....خيار ام اختيار "1"...مشاركتي الاولى
العروبه..هل هي خيار ام اختيار؟
مذ بلغت السابعة عشر, اي عندما تعرّفت على زياد الرحباني, على الاشتراكيه, وعلى فلسطين واسرائيل, وانا شديده الهوس بالقضيه العربيه
بت ادّخر نقودي لاشتري كتبا من معرض دمشق السنوي والعربي -وليس دوليا-كانعكاس عن قلقي الدائم
اقول هوسا لانني بت انتقي اصدقاء حسب هذا القلق بالذات, اي ان لم يكونوا قلقين فليسوا اصدقائي, وان كانوا قلقين فنعم المعرفه
والقضيه اصبحت شخصيه, اي انني اصبحت اعاتب والداي لانهم لا يزرعون في اختي واخوي العروبه, كما انني اصبحت انتقي شبانا نشطاء في القضيه وما اقلهم في دمشق وبيروت
انهيت علومي في الجامعه ودخلت حقل الحياه العمليه ولم استطع التناغم مع اناس لا يتذكرون ان الجولان ارضا سوريه, وان الفلسطينيون يقتلون يقتلون يموتون كل يوم ونحن ننام ونشرب ونضحك
ارجو ان لا يفهم من كملامي انني صاحبة ضمير والناس ليسوا كذلك, الموضوع ليس كذلك ابدا, اعتقد انني فتاه "واعيه على نفسها" لذا هي "واعيه" على عروبتها التي هي جزء من هذا النفس
هو ماجعلني شديدة التعلق بالقضيه وليس الضمير او الخلقSelf-Consciousness اي
اذن انا اعي نفسي فانا اعي ماتعيه نفسي لذاانا اعي العروبه
لكن هذا ربما بداية, او ربما الان وانا اتسائل كيف بدات عروبتي, ولماذا انا لا ارى نفسي سورية بالقدر الذي ارى نفسي كعربيه؟
اعتقد انني الان اخترت ان اكون عربيه, ان كانت نفسي تعي العروبة ام لا, انا الان عربيه حتى لو تبين انني تركيه او ايرانيه او او او
لكن مامعنى ان اختار العروبه؟ ومامعنى ان اكون عربيه؟
اعتقد ان عروبتي تشبه عروبه النهضه, في مواجهة الاتراك, يجب ان نكون عربا, وانا الان اقولها بصراحه, "يجب" علينا ان نكون عربا في مواجهة اسرائيل "اليهوديه" , هذا لا يعني ان نتوقف عن كوننا سوريون وعراقيون ومغاربه ووو..غير ان ان جامعنا -كعرب بالدرجة الاولى-هو حصرا معاداتنا اسرائيل وليست اللغه او التاريخ او الدين او...
اي ان التاريخ في لبنان, توقف عن كونه "نفس" التاريخ في سوريه منذ نشوب الحرب الاهليه التي يجهل مآسيها النفسيه والعصبيه الشعب السوري اولا, والشعوب العرييه كافه
اعتقد ان الشعب اللبناني نفسه -عامه اقول -يجهل كم هي حية الحرب في حياتهم اليوميه من خلال تعابير مليشويه مثل "تراس" من خلال عنصريتهم تجاه الشعب السوري والفلسطيني, من خلال تعابير سوقيه وبذيئه عاصرت ثقافه الميليشيات ابان الحرب الاهليه
اذن نقطتي هي ان كليشيه "الشعبين الشقيقين" هي ليست اكذوبه سياسيه سوقها النظام الحاكم في سوريه فحسب بل هي ايضا خطأ شائع اجتماعيا بين هذين الشعبين الاشقيقين البته
ربما طرابلس الشام اقرب ماتكون الى مجتمعات كل من دمشق وحلب وحمص وحما, لا اعتقد انها تشبه الاذقيه او السويداء
وبما ينضم اليهم الجنوب جزئيا, لان الجنوب اللبناني, حتى بالشق الشيعي منه, يشبه الجولان المحتل في انتمائه لتقاليد موحده وانتماءات سياسيه مختلفه
اي ان في الجنوب شيعه وموارنه وقليل من السنه, كلهم متوحدون في تقاليد على عكس مايعتقد البعض, ان الشيعه دين التعصب, اعتقد ان اكثر المتعصبين في كل من سوريه ولبنان هم من اهل السنه وانا المتحدثه سنيه فلست هنا لاتهم احد البته
اذن رغم التنوع الطائفي, والتقليد الموحد, تختلف الانتماءات السياسيه حسب اتجاهات قيادات الطائفة, هذا في لبنان
لقد بعدت عن الموضوع كثيرا, كنت اتحدث عن فرضيه التاريخ الواحد الذي يجمع العرب او الدول العربيه, واعطيت مثلا عن اقرب بلدين ولا يشاركان بعضهما حقا هذه الفرضيه او هذه المسلمه
بالاضافه الى ذلك, اعتقد ان اللغه العربيه ايضا بالكاد تجمعنا, اي ان عرب الخارج لا يتواصل مع عرب الداخل باللغه, او لاقولها بطريقه اخرى, ان تتكلم العربيه لايعني انك عربي كفاعل وفعال بقضيه اساسها وجوهرها عربي
ماذا عن المورثات الاجتماعيه والدينيه؟
اعتقد ان مايجمعنا ليس الدين وانما فهمنا الاجتماعي عن هذا الدين او ذاك
تجدين مثلا فهم الماليزيون للحجاب مختلف حيث ان الاناث يتحجبن الي مرفقهن, اما عند العربيات والايرانيات فالذراع كله محرم
اذن الاديان كنصوص لا تجمع شعوب المنطه بقدر فهمهم لهذا النص او ذاك, بالفهم الواحد
الان, ماالنقطه التي احاول الوصول اليها؟
ان العرب, كاناس, يوحدهم "القلق" على العروبه عينها, دون انا نعي ماهي العروبه اصلا, اي ان العروبه اصبحت "وعيا" بحد ذاته عن العروبه
بالطبع هذا الوعي يتاكد ويترسخ عندما تشهد عنصريات مايسمى بالعالم الاول
يتبع
Wednesday, December 13, 2006
مســــــاجين جـــــولانيّون في دولة صهيـــــــون
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Tuesday, December 12, 2006
نـــــــــاجي عن لبــــــــــنان
" لو رحل صوتي ... ما بترحل حناجركم ..
عيوني على بكرا ... وقلبي معكم ..
لو راح المغني ... بتظل الأغاني ..
تجمع القلوب المكسورة ... واللي تعاني ".
ووفقاً لرواية رجال الشرطة البريطانية أن " الشاب المجهول الهوية " الذي أطلق النار على ناجي العلي قد سار بمحاذاته وأطلق النار عن قرب على وجه ناجي حيث اخترقت الرصاصة صدغه الايمن وخرجت من الأيسر .
وبعد وصول رجال الشرطة " سكوتلانديارد" إلى مكان الحادث تم نقل ناجي في سيارة إسعاف تأخر وصولها بسبب ازدحام خانق للسير إلى مستشفى " سانت ستيفنز" وقد تجمعت بقعة من الدماء تحت جسم ناجي وهو مايزال بيده اليمني مفاتيح سيارته ويتأبط تحت ذراعه اليسرى رسوم يومه ، وتم إدخاله إلى غرفة العناية الفائقة فور وصوله إلى المستشفى وهو في حالة غيبوبة تامة ، وفي اليوم التالي نقل إلى مستشفى " تشارنغ كروس" .
ويقول البيان المرفق بصورة لناجي : " نداء للمساعدة . إطلاق رصاص . في الساعة 13 : 5 من بعد ظهر أربعاء 22 / 7 / 1978 ، أقدم هذا الرجل ( ناجي ) على توقيف سيارته في شارع " اكزويرت بليس" أ . س دبليو 3 ، ثم مشى عبر شارع " درايكوت افنيو " إلى شارع " ايفز " حيث أطلق عليه الرصاص.
ويوم السبت 29/ 8/ 1987 وبعد 38 يوماً من إصابة ناجي العلي برصاصة غادرة ، تناقلت وكالات الأنباء العربية والعالمية المختلفة نبأ استشهاد ناجي العلي متأثراً بجراحه في مستشفى " تشارنغ كروس" بلندن نتيجة لهبوط في القلب بعد أن فشلت محاولات إنقاذه منذ إصابته . بعدها بذلت عائلة الشهيد ناجي العلي جهداً لتحقيق وصيته الخاصة بدفنه إلى جانب والديه في مخيم عين الحلوة قرب مدينة صيدا ، ولكن تعذر تحقيق وصيته ، لهذا دفن في بريطانيا .
وبالفعل فقد دفن يوم الخميس3-9-1987 في مقبرة «بروك وود الإسلامية الواقعة في منطقة " وكنغ" ( 30 ميلا من العاصمة البريطانية لندن والذي رفع فوق قبره الذي يحمل الرقم 230190-العلم الفلسطيني).
كدفن موقت ريثما تتهيأ الظروف لنقل رفاته إلى مخيم عين الحلوة لاحقاً؛ وكانت الصلاة قد أقيمت على جثمان الشهيد ناجي العلي في الساعة الواحدة والنصف بعد صلاة الظهر في مسجد المركز الثقافي الإسلامي الواقع في (ريجنت ارك) وسط لندن .
أما عائلة الشهيد ناجي العلي، فقد أصدرت بياناً في لندن في 9-9-1987 «إلى الجماهير العربية في كل مكان » ، قالت فيه : -
" لقد ارتكبوا الجريمة الكبرى وهل هناك في هذا العصر أكبر من جريمة اغتيال رسام " .
Monday, December 11, 2006
Sayed Hassan Nassralla
Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was born on August 31, 1960. He comes from al-Bazouriyah village in south Lebanon. His father is Sayyed Abdul Karim Nasrallah. Sayyed Hassan is the eldest in the family that consists of three brothers and five sisters.
• His birth and residence were in “al-Karanteena” neighborhood, one of the most deprived and poorest regions in the eastern suburb of Beirut. There, he terminated his elementary education in “al-Kifah” private school and continued his intermediate and secondary studies in “al-Thanawiya al-Tarbawiya” school in Sin el-Feel region.
• When the civil war in Lebanon erupted (April 1975), his family returned to al-Bazouriyah, where he continued his secondary education. In spite of his young age, he was appointed the organizational officer in Amal Movement in al-Bazouriyah village.
• Since his youth, he gave special interest to religious studies and was influenced by Imam Sayyed Mousa al-Sador.
• At the time of his presence in the south of Lebanon, he met in Tyre his eminence, Sayyed Muhammad al-Gharawi, who helped him join the educational Hawza in Sacred Najaf late 1976. Hence, he departed to sacred Najaf escorting with him a letter of recommendation from Sayyed al-Gharawi to the religious authority, martyred Imam Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al-Sador (RIP), who expressed special interest towards him; thus, he gave Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi (RIP) the task of supervising the new student and sponsoring him concerning both personal and educational levels.
• In 1978, he left Iraq secretly away from the eyes of the Iraqi regime due to the repression and injustice that was practiced at that time against the religious schools (scholars and students). In Lebanon, he joined the Hawza of al-Imam al-Montazar (may God reveal him soon); and this religious school was founded by martyr Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, who was banned from returning to Iraq. There, he resumed his studies.
• Beside his educational activity in the religious school in Baalbeck, Sayyed Nasrallah resumed his political and organizational activity in Amal Movement in al-Biqaa region, where he was appointed in 1979 the political officer of al-Biqaa region and the member of the politburo of Amal Movement.
• In 1982, he and a large number of the officials and cadres withdrew from Amal Movement following crucial disputes with the political leadership of the movement at that time concerning the ways required to confront the political and military developments resulting from the "Israeli" invasion to Lebanon.
• He took part in several responsibilities in Hizbullah since the beginning of its foundation in 1982, following the Zionist invasion and the inauguration of the Islamic Resistance Movement in Lebanon.
• He continued his education in the religious school in Baalbeck beside his responsibility in Hizbullah in al-Biqaa region until 1985, the time when he moved to Beirut. There, he took part in a number of responsibilities.
• In 1987, the chief executive officer position was established in Hizbullah; he was given this responsibility beside his membership in the Consultative Council (the highest leading panel in Hizbullah).
• In 1989, he left to sacred Qum to join the educational Hawza again and continue his studies. However, he returned after one year to fulfill his responsibility as per the resolution of the Consultative Council, the insistence of some basic cadres and officials and due to the pressurizing practical, political, and combative developments in Lebanon at that time.
• In 1992, he was unanimously elected by the members of the Consultative Council as the Secretary-General of Hizbullah succeeding the former Secretary-General, martyr Sayyed Abbas al-Musawi, who was assassinated by the "Israeli" forces on February 16, 1992 in Tiffahta village, while he was returning from Jebsheet village in south Lebanon, where he attended a ceremonial anniversary in memory of the martyrdom of “the Cleric of the Islamic Resistance Martyrs,” Sheikh Ragheb Harb.
• During his responsibility in the Secretariat General of the party, the Islamic Resistance fought several wars and heroic confrontations against the occupation army, the most prominent of which were the “Settling Accounts” in July 1993 and “Bunches of Anger” in April 1996, which was crowned by the April Understanding that was one of the greatest keys of the distinctive development of the main actions of the resistance, giving it the historic achievement represented by the liberation of the greater part of the Lebanese land in May 2000.
• At the time of his position as the Secretary-General, Hizbullah took part in the internal political life of Lebanon in a wider form and participated in parliamentary election in 1992. This was the first election taking place following the end of civil war in Lebanon. Thus, it achieved a great winning through the arrival of twelve MPs of its members to Lebanese parliament, through which it formed the parliamentary bloc “Loyalty to Resistance.”
• On September 1997, his eldest son Muhammad Hadi was martyred in the heroic confrontation against the occupation forces in Jabal al-Rafei in south Lebanon.
• Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah is married to Fatimah Yassin and has five children: (Martyr Hadi), Muhammad Jawad, Zeinab, Muhammad Ali and Muhammad Mahdi.
Sayed Hassan Nassralla
Magazine interviewed the Secretary General of Hizbullah his eminence sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on its pages on 28-11-1997. This is a translation from the French script:
It is a primarily precedent:
Sayyed (Mr.) Hassan Nasrallah tells his biography.
This was the first time during which Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah (the Secretary General of Hizbullah) agrees to talk about his life, expressing his satisfaction of not being totally bounded by his party, its thoughts, motivations, struggle, and politics. This is a speech that he addressed to the audience.
Charismatic is this man who has a soul made of steel. He adapts easily to any continuous threat, which would strain the nerves of any ordinary citizen, any anytime, and he is aware of this. “Israel,” if it sees it is necessary, may seek his termination along with his family, wife, and children, through shelling his residence or strike him with rockets on a countryside road, likewise his precedent Sayyed Abbas al Musawi.
With high spirits, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah dealt with the martyrdom of his eldest son Hadi, who was martyred during a clash with "Israelis,” as a father who was happy for the martyrdom of his son, for obtaining the blessing of the martyrdom that opens the gates of the garden for a believer.
This we have seen clearly on the screens of the TV. Sayyed Hassan wanted to receive congratulations and not condolences, and he did not issue any particular statement concerning the funeral.
This is another attitude – according to close relations – without any allegations. The man’s belief is very strong where he received the news of his son’s death without any complaints, as if it was a general affair…
Hadi who fought a short while ago in the lines of the “Islamic Resistance” was subjected to such issue. His father thinks it’s a great honor, concerning humane level, for his son to fall in the field of honor while facing the enemy. However, he in particular is happy for Hadi attaining the blessing of martyrdom, but let us avoid confusions, he misses the boy “otherwise why should someone be a father”… He has visions of seeing him and the regrets of a father’s affection. However, he deepens into his belief hoping they will meet someday at the great and almighty, and due to his blessing…
He continuously resides in the shade of the "Israeli" threat that regards him as a target, exactly like the occupation of which the country is suffering, and against which Hizbullah is fighting. Therefore, anything related to the character of the Secretary General embodies an exceptional symbol within the party.
Truly overwhelmed by the picture of Imam Mousa al Sador:
His father Abdul Karim used to sell fruit and vegetable with the help of his brothers. With a slight improvement of their circumstances, the father was able to start a small grocery shop in the neighborhood. Hassan used to visit the shop frequently in order to help, and the picture of Imam Mousa al Sador was hanging on one of the walls. The little child would sit in front of the picture and stare at it, and as he remembers, he used to drown into endless dreams. Each time he stared at the picture his adornment and attachment to Imam increased, and he hoped he could be like him someday.
Hassan did not look like the other boys of the neighborhood. Those boys played football, went to sea for swimming, whereas he went to the mosque frequently in Sin el-Feel area, Bourj Hammoud, or Nabaa, due to the lack of a mosque in Karanteena.
It was an unseen religious call the predicted nothing, as he had no relation with any of the clerics, and his family was not uniquely religious. However, Hassan, the young boy, was attached to religion, where simple practices such as praying and fasting were insufficient for him, and he would go further.
His surroundings that were extensively mixed in Karanteena did not snag him, rather he would keep himself in isolation, and he was utterly attached to his inner life and knowledge, with a background fed with the picture of Imam Sador…
At the age of nine, Hassan went down – as familiar – to Burouj, the old martyrs’ square, known as city center, in order to by second hand books, which were displayed at the roadsides or carried on wandering carriages.
He used to read anything that would fall into his hands concerning Islam. When he encountered difficulty understanding any book, he would place it aside to read it later when he grows up…
He terminated his elementary education in “Najah” School, and he was one of the last groups who obtained the “Certificate” (its public examination was canceled in 1970). After that he continued his study in the public school of Sin el-Feel. The war that ignited in 1975 forced the family to leave Karanteena and return to village, where Hassan Nasrallah terminated his secondary education at the public school of Sour.
When he lived in Karanteena, neither he, nor any member of his family belonged to any party, despite of the existence of many organizations – some of which are Palestinian – in that region. However, after he returned to his village “Bazouriya”, he joined the lines of Amal Movement, and it was a natural choice for him since he was affectionately attached to Imam Mousa al Sador. At that time he was 15-year-old, and Amal was known by the name of “the movement of the deprived.” However, his choice was a bit flashy, in a village that was controlled by Socialism, Marxism, and in particular the Lebanese Communist Party.
Anyhow, his brother Hussein and he became members of Amal Base, where he punctually became the representative in his village despite his young age.
During those times, and within a few months, he decided to travel to Najaf Ashraf in Iraq, the sacred place of Shiites, in order to study Quraanic divine sciences. At that time he was below the age of sixteen, and he lacked the methods. In the mosque of Sour, he met a cleric who was sayyed Muhammad al Gharawi, who used to teach in the name of imam Mousa al Sador, and Hassan spoke to him about his wish to go to Hawza1 in Najaf, the village and Shiite religious school, wherein students chose their teachers, and lived a communal life. Al Gharawi, who had a relation of friendship with great master sayyed Muhammad Baqir al Sador in Iraq, sent with “Hassan” a letter of recommendation to the latter.
Therefore, the young man gathered some things, some money, along with the help of his father and friends, and flew to Baghdad, then traveled by bus to Najaf. When he reached he had no money left with him, not even one penny. However, there is always – as he said – a supportive helping hand. What is more important is that he could bear the life of modesty. His food was bread and water, and his bed was a simple mattress of sponge.
As he arrived, he met some Lebanese people and asked them about the possibility of delivering a letter of recommendation to Imam Muhammad Baqir al Sador, who was one of the Hawza magnates, and they replied saying that sayyed Abbass al Musawi is capable of doing so. At the first instance, Hassan Nasrallah thought that al Musawi, dark colored, was an Iraqi, and therefore he spoke to him in classical Arabic, and he replied saying: “don’t bother yourself, I am Lebanese, and I come from Nabi Sheeth in Biqaa. This was the beginning of a strong relationship.
Al Musawi became to Hassan Nasrallah “a friend, brother, teacher, and companion,” and he lost him sixteen years later at the time of the "Israeli" aggression that resulted in the death of the former Secretary General of Hizbullah. According to the request of Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al Sador, Al Musawi was appointed to the custody and teaching of the new arrival. After receiving him and reading the letter of recommendation from Sayyed Muhammad al Gharawi, the Iraqi religious pioneer asked him: “doe you have any money?” And he replied: “not even one penny.” Then Muhammad Baqir al Sador turned to Musawi and told him: “provide him with a room, be his teacher, and take care of him.” After which he gave Nasrallah some money to buy clothes and books, in addition to a monthly outlay.
Al Musawi gave attention to the mission assigned to him, he found him a room nearby his residence in Hawza, where Sayyed Abbas was married, and married people were the only persons entitled to a residence, whereas singles are entitled to one room, which may be shared with other people. Each student was entitled to simple aids, which did not exceed five Iraqi Dinars per month, granted by the accredited magnate clerics such as Imam al Khouei, or Imam Muhammad Baqir al Sador. The sponsorship of a student by a young man is not out of the ordinary inside Hawza, because it implemented a very distinguished system.
After that, intermediate stage known as “surface stage” was commenced, and later came the final higher stage known as “the outside research”, because it required a research into the opinions of the master clerics without referring to some definite and accredited books. As it is to some western academies, the student who receives a degree can in his turn pass his acquired knowledge to those who are younger than him. Therefore, Abbas al Musawi who finished his preparatory stage and commenced with the intermediate stage was able to receive a class including beginners, which included Nasrallah.
Al Musawi was serious and firm. Due to his firm teaching, his students were able to finish five years of education in the Hawza within only two years. In fact, they used to learn fast, and deprive themselves from the holidays of Ramadan and Haj, and even the weekends (Thursdays and Fridays). They would study without any interruption or halt.
In 1978, Hassan Nasrallah terminated his first stage successfully. First of all, he wanted to make sure that he would not loose the master who became a friend. However, on the same year, the Iraqi Regime began a strangling process against the religious students, and it deported a group of them with various nationalities. Above all, Baghdad seemed apprehensive to the Lebanese students, because not all of them came from the familiar and traditional religious environments, this is because the sons of the clerics were the ones who would arrive to the Quraanic schools, only in the middle of the seventies, it encountered the arrival of young educated men who did not belong to religious families. Since the war started in Lebanon, the Lebanese men were used as a scapegoat, and therefore they would be accused of belonging to Amal Movement on time, and another to “al Da’awa Party” or “Syrian Baath.” The matter would reach to the extent where they would be accused of being employed by the Syrian intelligence.
Therefore, in 1978 some Lebanese students (detained for several months) were deported from Iraq, likewise other foreign students, by the authorities.
Pursued by the men of Saddam, returned to Lebanon:
At one time, the men of Saddam broke into Hawza, a time during which Sayyed Abbass al Musawi was in Lebanon, and the soldiers found his family only. Therefore, his students informed him that he should consider avoiding any attempt of returning to Iraq, since he was wanted. Within a short period, the young men were also deported. When luck smiled at Hassan Nasrallah, the raid of the police that targeted Hawza coincided with his absence as he was outside the domain of Hawza. When he returned he was informed about the detainment of his peers, and therefore he departed Najaf immediately, and the order of his arrestment was not circulated yet in other areas, and his name was not listed at the border, and therefore he was able to return to Lebanon quietly, but before anything else, he had a desire to finish his religious education.
His wish was fulfilled when al Musawi started a school with a group of tutors from the religious school of Baalbeck, and which still operates until now. Nasrallah used to study and teach at the same time. After that he returned to his activities with the lines of Amal, which elected him as its political delegate in Biqaa in 1982. With this title, he became a member of the central political office. At the same year he finished his second stage, meaning the intermediate stage.
In 1982, the great "Israeli" invasion took place, and that year changed into an initial U turn within the existence of Hassan Nasrallah as well as his colleagues. Due to the "Israeli" occupation of Beirut, the “National Frontier for Salvation” was formed, in which president Nabih Birri had a desire to share a part. However, the religious extremists of the movement objected the issue, and conflict arose, and the group of the religious people dissented from the movement. This was an acceptable issue since there were many arguments earlier, which made them, take a stand against Mr. Birri because of the argument about interpreting the guidance left behind by Imam Mousa al Sador.
However, at that time these events did not seem highly risky to execute the dissension. But when the believing young men saw that the head of the movement Birri wanted to join the National Frontier for Salvation, headed by Elias Sarkees, along with Walid Junblat, Rasheed Karami, and Bashir Jumaeil, they considered the issue as a dangerous deflection. They in fact saw that the frontier aimed particularly at delivering Bashir Jumaeil the presidency of the republic, an issue they utterly rejected; because they believed that the president of the “Lebanese Forces” represented a symbol of normalization with the "Israeli" enemy, and making a truce was unacceptable, and so was shaking the hand of the enemy.
Due to these reasons, they abandoned “Amal” in order to establish “Hizbullah” with other members outside the movement. There, the old activists conducted communications with the cadres of the active cultural and charitable organizations in the neighborhoods in general, and at the congregations inside the mosques. Some of the members came from “Islamic al Da’awa Party”, and this secret organization dismissed itself before the formation of “Hizbullah”, which was joined by other independent religious ranks, and its slogan was “resisting "Israeli" occupation.”
The eye catching issue was that when Hassan Nasrallah abandoned “Amal” his brother “Hussein” did not follow him, and he until this moment belongs to the movement, and sometime in the past he took the responsibility of Shiyah Sector. However, it seemed that health problems forced him to leave this responsibility.
Hassan Nasrallah is the eldest son of the family of nine boys and girls, where Hussein comes second, then Zeinab (Married), then Fatima who lives with her parents, then Muhammad who practices a different occupation, and Jaafar who is an official employee, and the rest are Zakia, Ameena, and Suad, the three are married.
Initially the family was not very religious, as we indicated earlier, but as time went by the situation improved, Sayyed Hassan said.
All girls are activists in Hizbullah. With respect to the boys, they were all members of Amal in the beginning, but now Hussein is the only one that is left. Muhammad does not practice any politics, but he respects Hizbullah without being one of its members. On the other hand, Jaafar, as Hassan Nasrallah revealed, is unaware of his present trends, because he did not arrange any discussion with him recently.
With respect to the young men who believed in Imam Mousa al Sador, to them he was not the establisher of “Amal” only, rather he, in addition, was somehow the establisher of Hizbullah as well. He was everyone’s guide, and they all regarded him as their father. However, after his disappearance, differences revealed while applying the methods of his teachings.
Hizbullah is developing today, because it is willing to accompany the modern age, especially on the Shiite level.
As always, according to Nasrallah: one must not think that one man, regardless of his sacredness, can monopolize thought, religious knowledge, and political awareness.
The members of Hizbullah believe that the greatest personality of this century without any match is “Imam Khomeini (RIP).” After his death, they started searching for another alive spiritual resource. It was natural to pledge their allegiance to the elected guide and successor of “Khomeini,” Imam Khamenaei. To them, the opinions, thoughts, and views of the past religious resources still hold great values.
When Hizbullah saw the light, Hassan Nasrallah (22-year-old) was not a member of the leadership called “Consultative Council,” He was promoted within the party, and he himself created many jobs. He was a participant in a group that calls up resistants, and then he took the responsibility of Baalbeck sector, and at last al Biqaa sector.
Sometimes he used to head for Beirut with “Sayyed Abraham Ameen Sayyed”, who was assigned as responsible for Beirut area, and Nasrallah was his deputy. After a short period, the party decided to separate the political jobs from the organizing formations on ground, Sayyed Abraham chose the political road, and therefore Nasrallah took his position in Beirut Area. After that a position for general executive official was created, which was assigned to apply the decisions of the “Consultative Council”, and Nasrallah occupied it.
His best wish is becoming a student again:
Despite his commitment to the party, which takes most of his time, Hassan is still insisting on continuing his religious education to become a religious jurisprudent. This is the highest grade where a cleric can depend on his special abilities of knowledge and thoughts to analyze the scripts, and create the religious rules without referring to other religious resources. These clerics are the selective group, which is considered as a spiritual entity within the “Hawza.”
After the "Israeli" invasion Nasrallah was forced to utterly cease his study in order to dedicate his self, body and soul, for the party and the resistance. But after 7 years, in 1989, he decided he was able to resume his education. Given the green light from the party, he headed for Qum, the sacred Iranian city, in order to continue his studies, which he started in Najaf. Many rumors took place due to his leave, where it was said that Nasrallah had arguments with other cadres in Hizbullah.
With the continuation of the arguments between Hizbullah and “Amal Movement,” which changed into a military confrontation in Iqleem el-Tuffah area, Nasrallah decided it was his obligation to return, and the party requested it as well.
Therefore, he again lost his chance in continuing his religious education, and today he still confirms that there is no better wish for him than finding someone inside the party, who would replace and relief him from the responsibility of the “Secretary General” position, in order to become a student again.
He received the leadership of the party and the position of the Secretary General after "Israelis" assassinated Abbass Musawi.
In the past, while he lived in Qum, his assistant Sheikh Naeim Qassim occupied the executive responsibility assigned to him from the Higher Council. After his return, Nasrallah maintained his membership in the leadership, only without any defined responsibility. When his guide sayyed Abbass Musawi was elected later as Secretary General, he assigned Qassim as his deputy, and Nasrallah restored his actual assignments.
In 1992, “Israel” directed a harsh strike to Hizbullah when it assassinated Musawi. Nasrallah, his student, and friend, cried him, and so did the Consultative Council that held a meeting to elect a successor. Hassan Nasrallah was chosen despite the fact he wasn’t the deputy Secretary General, and despite his young age if compared with other members of the leadership. However, sentimental considerations reigned, and as a form of expressing respects towards Musawi, to whom Nasrallah was the closest person, it was said within the party: “Abbass and Hassan or two sides for one coin, they are the same thing.”
Furthermore, the executive official, Hassan Nasrallah, had broad relations with the base, and he had the ability to consolidate the union of the party after the harsh strike it received.
In addition, Nasrallah was the best candidate to invest his friend’s testimony sentimentally for the sake of the cause and the party on a public level.
He said, on the day he was elected inside the Consultative Council he encountered great confusion because he was the youngest, and also he did not have any crucial interception regarding the foreign affairs aspect since his mission was only of an internal organizational description. “However, they insisted.” After his first rejection, his election was confirmed by the “wise men” via a second vote.
The word “Sayyed” is a popular epithet used in Northern Africa to indicate that the person called by this epithet descends from the prophet’s progeny via his father or mother, or if he descends from the children of Hashim. This address separates between those who belong to this progeny and other religious clerics who are addressed by the epithet “Sheikh.” Al Sada (plural for Sayyed), are clerics who wear a black turban as a distinctive sign, and this costume does not express any religious rank.
Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah is a father with a family since 1978. He is married to Fatima Yassin (35-year-old) who comes from “Al Abbasiyee village” (district of Sour). They have three children remained after the martyrdom of the elder son Hadi, who at the age of only 18 was killed, during a fire engagement with the enemy last September. These children are: Muhammad al Jawad (17-year-old), Zeinab (12-year-old), and Muhammad Ali (7-year-old), who celebrated his birthday on November 22, he asked for “Gateau” and they brought it for him. “The school pampered him,” the father said smiling before adding, “it is not bad, it is good for a child to celebrate his birthday.”
After the “memoirs of Sharon” he will read the book of “Netanyahu”:
When sayyed Hassan Nasrallah returns home, he leaves his burdens at the “doorstep,” in order to become a caring husband and father, but also a man who lives his private life and faith.
He reads enormously, especially the memoirs of the political personalities. He has been reading the “memoirs of Sharon” for sometime, and intends to read Netanyahu’s book soon “A Place Under the Sun.” This indicates that he considers the importance of knowing the enemy very well.
Concerning him, the party is not a resistance only. Nowadays, it carries a general political thought that naturally depends on Islam: “With respect to us, briefly, Islam is not a simple religion including only praises and prayers, rather it is a divine message that was designed for humanity, and it can answer any question man might ask concerning his general and private life. Islam is a religion designed for a society that can revolt and build a state.” However, sayyed Hassan Nasrallah added – to be sincere and logic with himself – he cannot deny that Hizbullah has an ambition concerning ideological and theological level to build “an Islamic republic” someday. This is because the party believes that the Islamic state represents the solution for the society, even though the country included multi-social ethnics. However, he clarifies the matter punctually saying it is not our proposal to impose an Islamic republic by force, adding, giving people a chance to decide does not concern only the 51%, rather it must concern almost everyone, such as 90% of the votes. And therefore, establishing an Islamic republic is not proposed at this time.
With respect to Hassan Nasrallah, and according to Islam belief, there are two worlds. Death is nothing but a gate that separates the two worlds. Some will cross it while suffering, whereas others will cross it easily. Martyrdom is the highest example of form to cross into the other world, because it is a different sacrifice.
When man dies as a martyr, it would be as if he enters heaven carrying with him one of the most precious gifts, and this is the reason for receiving him differently. Anyhow, sayyed Hassan Nasrallah gives a note saying that even other nations who do not believe in God hold a special respect for those who give their lives for their people or the cause they serve.
He also clarifies that he, today as any father, misses his elder son “Hadi,” and that he feeds his courage on his absolute conception that the young man is within the most purified goodness of the almighty.
The father indicates that before the martyrdom of Hadi, his picture was hanging in his house only, and now it hangs in each house, “there are many.” And Hassan Nasrallah seems happy to the way in which the life of his elder son ended. He conclude this point clarifying that he lost a dear human being, but he knows that they will meet someday.
With respect to the “charisma” with which they described him he said: naturally he is not in a position to give his opinion, and the judgment is that of others. He clarified that the charisma in general, of the character which one can use to influence others is a divine gift, and can be developed via education and experience. However, education and experience cannot make a person charismatic since this is a talent, Hassan Nasrallah naturally does not seem to lack this magic, and definitely he has high capabilities of the mind.
Perhaps he will return someday to take a seat inside the Quraanic School to become a religious jurisprudent, learning the rules. But until that moment comes, he resides within politics more than religion, in addition to fighting for liberation, and he tries to energize the party. Some might say: “give him democracy” or develop him. However, these meanings do not carry in this case its ordinary indications concerning western inspiration, because Hizbullah remains Islamic, this is its nature, it will remain a resistance, and this is its obligation.
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1Hawza: the name of the religious school.
Sunday, December 10, 2006
Saturday, December 09, 2006
حول الأسماء المستعارة../ د.عزمي بشارة
لا شك أن في المجتمعات العربية بعداً طائفياً عصبوياً قبلياً جاهلياً يعطل بناء الأمة والديمقراطية، إذ لا يكتفي بتحويل الفرق المذهبي إلى طائفية، بل يتجاوز ذلك إلى تحويل الخلاف السياسي والاختلاف في تصور مصلحة المجتمع إلى صراع قبلي أو طائفي. ولا شك أن التعصب على وزن "أنصر أخاك ظالما أو مظلوما" هو جاهلية حتى من زاوية نظر الديانات الكونية التي اعتمدت الثواب والعقاب وموقف الإنسان كفرد أمام الله. فهي تحول الإيمان إلى انتماء لجماعة فيها المؤمن وغير المؤمن، والوطني والعميل، والصالح والطالح...
